Itinerary for African American Families Attending Washington Dc

The family structure of African Americans has long been a matter of national public policy interest.[2] A 1965 written report by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, known as The Moynihan Study, examined the link between black poverty and family structure.[2] It hypothesized that the devastation of the black nuclear family structure would hinder further progress toward economic and political equality.[2]

When Moynihan wrote in 1965 on the coming destruction of the black family, the out-of-matrimony nascence charge per unit was 25% among black people.[3] In 1991, 68% of black children were born outside of marriage (where 'wedlock' is defined with a government-issued license).[4] In 2011, 72% of blackness babies were born to unmarried mothers,[5] [6] while the 2018 National Vital Statistics Report provides a figure of 69.4 percent for this status.[vii]

Among all newlyweds, 18.0% of black Americans in 2015 married not-black spouses.[eight] 24% of all black male newlyweds in 2015 married outside their race, compared with 12% of black female newlyweds.[8] five.5% of black males married white women in 1990.[nine]

History [edit]

An African American family, photographed between 1918-22. Courtesy of the DeGolyer Library, Southern Methodist Academy.

According to data extracted from 1910 U.S. Census manuscripts, compared to white women, blackness women were more likely to become teenage mothers, stay unmarried and accept marriage instability, and were thus much more likely to live in female-headed single-parent homes.[ten] [eleven] This design has been known equally black matriarchy because of the observance of many households headed past women.[11]

The breakdown of the black family unit was first brought to national attention in 1965 past sociologist and later Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in the groundbreaking Moynihan Report (too known every bit "The Negro Family unit: The Case For National Action").[12] Moynihan's study made the argument that the relative absence of nuclear families (those having both a married father and mother present) in black America would profoundly hinder further black socio-economic progress.[12]

The current nearly widespread African-American family construction consisting of a unmarried parent has historical roots dating back to 1880.[thirteen] A written report of 1880 family structures in Philadelphia, showed that 3-quarters of blackness families were nuclear families, composed of two parents and children.[14] Data from U.S. Demography reports reveal that between 1880 and 1960, married households consisting of 2-parent homes were the most widespread form of African-American family unit structures.[13] Although the most popular, married households decreased over this time catamenia. Single-parent homes, on the other hand, remained relatively stable until 1960; when they rose dramatically.[13]

In the Harlem neighborhood of New York City in 1925, 85 percent of kin-related black households had two parents.[15] When Moynihan warned in his 1965 study on the coming destruction of the black family, even so, the out-of-wedlock birthrate had increased to 25% among the black population.[12] This figure continued to rise over time and in 1991, 68% of blackness children were born outside of marriage.[sixteen] U.South. Demography data from 2010 reveal that more African-American families consisted of unmarried mothers than married households with both parents.[17] In 2011, information technology was reported that 72% of black babies were born to unmarried mothers.[11] Every bit of 2015, at 77.3 percent, black Americans have the highest charge per unit of non-marital births amongst native Americans.[18]

In 2016 29% of African Americans were married, while 48% of all Americans were. Also, 50% of African Americans have never been married in contrast to 33% of all Americans. In 2016 just nether half (48%) of blackness women had never been married which is an increment from 44% in 2008 and 42.7% in 2005. 52% of black men had never been married. Also, 15% percent of black men were married to non-black women which is up from 11% in 2010. Black women were the least likely to marry non-black men at but 7% in 2017.[19]

The African-American family structure has been divided into a twelve-office typology that is used to show the differences in the family structure based on "gender, marital status, and the presence or absence of children, other relatives or non-relatives."[20] These family sub-structures are divided up into 3 major structures: nuclear families, extended families, and augmented families.

African-American families at a glance [edit]

African-American nuclear families [edit]

Andrew Billingsley's inquiry on the African-American nuclear family is organized into 4 groups: Incipient Nuclear, Simple Nuclear, Segmented Nuclear I, and Segmented Nuclear II.[20] In 1992 Paul Glick supplied statistics showing the African-American nuclear family structure consisted of 80% of total African-American families in comparison to xc% of all US families.[21] Co-ordinate to Billingsley, the African-American incipient nuclear family construction is divers equally a married couple with no children.[20]

In 1992 47% of African-American families had an incipient nuclear family unit in comparing to 54% of all US incipient nuclear families.[22] The African-American unproblematic nuclear family unit construction has been defined as a married couple with children.[20] This is the traditional norm for the limerick of African-American families.[23] In 1992 25% of African-American families were simple nuclear families in comparison to 36% of all The states families.[22] About 67 percent of black children are built-in into a unmarried parent household.[24]

The African-American segmented nuclear I (unmarried mother and children) and II (unmarried father and children) family unit structures are defined equally a parent–child relationship.[20] In 1992, 94% of African-American segmented nuclear families were composed of an unmarried mother and children.[22] Glick's research found that unmarried parent families are twice equally prevalent in African-American families as they are in other races, and this gap continues to widen.[21]

African-American extended families [edit]

Billingsley's research continued with the African-American extended family unit construction, which is composed of master members plus other relatives.[xx] Extended families have the aforementioned sub-structures equally nuclear families, incipient, simple, segmented I, and segmented II, with the addition of grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins and additional family members. Billingsley's inquiry establish that the extended family unit structure is predominantly in the segmented I sub-structured families.[20]

In 1992 47% of all African-American extended families were segmented extended family structures, compared to 12% of all other races combined.[25] Billingsley'south research shows that in the African-American family the extended relative is often the grandparents.[26]

African-American augmented families [edit]

Billingsley's research revealed another blazon of African-American family, called the augmented family structure, which is a family equanimous of the master members, plus nonrelatives.[20] Billingsley'due south instance report found that this family unit structure accounted for viii% of black families in 1990.[27] This family structure is different from the traditional norm family unit discussed earlier, it combines the nuclear and extended family units with nonrelatives. This structure as well has the incipient, unproblematic, segmented I, and segmented Two sub-structures.[xx]

Non-family households [edit]

Billingsley introduced a new family construction that branches from the augmented family unit structure.[27] The African-American population is starting to encounter a new structure known as a non-family household. This not-family household contains no relatives.[28] Co-ordinate to Glick in 1992, 37% of all households in the United States were a nonfamily household, with more than half of this pct beingness African-Americans.[29]

African-American interracial marriages [edit]

Amid all newlyweds, 18.0% of Black Americans in 2015 married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.[8] 24% of all Blackness male newlyweds in 2015 married outside their race, compared with 12% of Blackness female newlyweds.[viii]

In the United States there has been a historical disparity between Black female and Back male exogamy ratios. There were 354,000 White female/Blackness male and 196,000 Blackness female/White male person marriages in March 2009, representing a ratio of 181:100.[30]

This traditional disparity has seen a rapid decline over the last 2 decades, assorted with its height in 1981 when the ratio was withal 371:100.[31] In 2007, iv.6% of all married Blackness people in the United States were wednesday to a White partner, and 0.4% of all Whites were married to a Black partner.[32]

The overall charge per unit of African-Americans marrying non-Blackness spouses has more tripled between 1980 and 2015, from 5% to 18%.[eight]

African-American family members at a glance [edit]

E. Franklin Frazier has described the current African-American family structure as having two models, i in which the father is viewed as a patriarch and the sole breadwinner, and ane where the mother takes on a matriarchal office in the identify of a fragmented household.[33] In defining family, James Stewart describes information technology as "an institution that interacts with other institutions forming a social network."[23]

Stewart's inquiry concludes that the African-American family has traditionally used this definition to structure institutions that upholds values tied to other blackness institutions resulting in unique societal standards that deal with "economic science, politics, education, wellness, welfare, police force, culture, religion, and the media."[34] Ruggles argues that the modern black U.S. family has seen a change in this tradition and is now viewed equally predominantly single parent, specifically black matriarchy.[13]

Begetter representative [edit]

In 1997, McAdoo stated that African-American families are "often regarded as poor, fatherless, dependent of governmental help, and involved in producing a multitude of children outside of matrimony."[35] Thomas, Krampe and Newton show that in 2005 39% of African-American children did not live with their biological father and 28% of African-American children did not alive with any male parent representative, compared to xv% of white children who were without a father representative.[36] In the African-American civilisation, the father representative has historically acted as a part model for two out of every three African-American children.[37]

Thomas, Krampe, and Newton relies on a 2002 survey that shows how the father'southward lack of presence has resulted in several negative effects on children ranging from pedagogy performance to teen pregnancy.[38] Whereas the father presence tends to take an opposite effect on children, increasing their chances on having a greater life satisfaction. Thomas, Krampe, and Newton's research shows that 32% of African-American fathers rarely to never visit their children, compared to 11% of white fathers.[36]

In 2001, Hamer showed that many[ vague ] African-American youth did not know how to arroyo their male parent when in his presence.[39] This survey as well ended that the non resident fathers who did visit their child said that their role consisted of primarily spending time with their children, providing discipline and being a office model.[40] John McAdoo also noted that the residential father role consists of being the provider and determination maker for the household.[41] This concept of the father's role resembles the theory of hegemonic masculinity. Quaylan Allan suggests that the continuous comparison of white hegemonic masculinity to black manhood, tin also add a negative effect on the presence of the father in the African-American family structure[42]

Mother representative [edit]

Melvin Wilson suggests that in the African-American family structure a mother's office is determined by her relationship condition, is she a single mother or a married mother?[43] According to Wilson, in nearly African-American married families a female parent's roles is dominated by her household responsibilities.[44] Wilson research states that African American married families, in dissimilarity to White families, do non have gender specific roles for household services.[45] The mother and wife is responsible for all household services around the business firm.[44]

According to Wilson, the married mother's tasks around the house is described as a full-time job. This full-time task of household responsibilities is often the second job that an African-American woman takes on.[45] The first job is her regular 8 hour work solar day that she spends exterior of the dwelling house. Wilson likewise notes that this responsibility that the female parent has in the married family unit determines the life satisfaction of the family as a whole.[45]

Melvin Wilson states that the single mother role in the African-American family is played by 94% of African-American single parents.[46] Co-ordinate to Brown, single parent motherhood in the African-American culture is becoming more a "proactive" option.[47] Melvin Wilson's research shows 62% of unmarried African-American women said this choice is in response to divorce, adoption, or merely not marriage compared to 33% of unmarried white women.[48] In this position African-American single mothers see themselves playing the role of the mother and the father.[47]

Though the function of a single mother is similar to the role of a married mother, to take care of household responsibilities and work a full-time job, the single mothers' responsibleness is greater since she does not have a second political party income that a partner would provide for her family members. Co-ordinate to Brown, this lack of a second party income has resulted in the majority of African American children raised in single female parent households having a poor upbringing.[49]

Child [edit]

In Margaret Spencer's case written report on children living in southern metropolitan areas, she shows that children can only grow through enculturation of a particular society.[50] The child'due south development is dependent on 3 areas: child-rearing practices, individual heredity, and experienced cultural patterns. Spencer's inquiry also concludes that African-American children take become subject to inconsistencies in social club based on their peel color.[51] These inconsistencies go along to place an increased corporeality of ecology stress on African-American families which event in the failure of nearly African-American children to accomplish their full potential.[52]

Similar to well-nigh races, challenges that African-American families feel are normally dependent on the children'south age groups.[53] The African-American families experience a peachy bargain of mortality inside the baby and toddler age group. In particular the infant bloodshed rate is "twice as high for black children equally for children in the nation as a whole."[53] The mortality in this age group is accompanied by a meaning number of illnesses in the pre- and mail-natal care stages, forth with the failure to place these children into a positive, progressive learning environs once they get toddlers.[54] This foundation has led to African-American children facing teen pregnancy, juvenile detention, and other behavioral problems because they were not given the proper development to successfully face the world and social inconsistencies they will encounter.[54]

Extended family members [edit]

Jones, Zalot, Foster, Sterrett, and Chester executed a study examining the childrearing assistance given to young adults and African-American single mothers.[55] The bulk of extended family members, including aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and occasionally non-relatives, are put into this category.[55] : 673 In Jones research she also notes that 97% of unmarried mother's ages 28–twoscore admitted that they rely on at least one extended family member for help in raising their children.[55] : 676

Extended family unit members accept an immense corporeality of responsibility in the majority of African-American families, especially unmarried parent households. According to Jones, the reason these extended family members are included in having a necessary role in the family is because they play a cardinal role in assuring the health and well-being of the children.[55] : 673 The extended family members' responsibilities range from child rearing, financial aid, offering a place to live, and meals.[55] : 674

Theories [edit]

Economic theories [edit]

At that place are several hypotheses – both social and economic – explaining the persistence of the current African-American family structure. Some researchers theorize that the low economic statuses of the newly freed slaves in 1850 led to the current family structure for African Americans. These researchers suggest that extreme poverty has increased the destabilization of African American families while others indicate to loftier female person labor participation, few job opportunities for black males, and pocket-sized differences between wages for men and women that have decreased wedlock stability for blackness families.[xiii]

Some other economic theory dates back to the late 1950s and early '60s, the creation of the "Human being-in-the-House" rule; this restricted two parent households from receiving government benefits which fabricated many blackness fathers movement out to be able to receive help to back up their families. These rules were later abolished when the Supreme Court ruled confronting these exclusions in the example of King vs Smith.[56]

Economic status has proved to not always negatively bear upon single-parent homes, all the same. Rather, in an 1880 census, in that location was a positive human relationship betwixt the number of black single-parent homes and per-capita county wealth.[13] Moreover, literate young mothers in the 1880s were less probable to reside in a home with a spouse than illiterate mothers.[13] This suggests that economic factors following slavery lonely cannot account for the family unit styles seen past African Americans since blacks who were illiterate and lived in the worst neighborhoods were the nearly likely to live in a two-parent home.

Traditional African influences [edit]

Other explanations comprise social mechanisms for the specific patterns of the African American family unit structure. Some researchers betoken to differences in norms regarding the demand to live with a spouse and with children for African-Americans. Patterns seen in traditional African cultures are as well considered a source for the current trends in single-parent homes. Every bit noted past Antonio McDaniel, the reliance of African-American families on kinship networks for financial, emotional, and social support can be traced back to African cultures, where the emphasis was on extended families, rather than the nuclear family unit.[57]

Some researchers have hypothesized that these African traditions were modified by experiences during slavery, resulting in a electric current African-American family unit structure that relies more on extended kin networks.[57] The author notes that slavery caused a unique situation for African slaves in that it alienated them from both true African and white culture so that slaves could not identify completely with either civilization. Equally a result, slaves were culturally adaptive and formed family structures that best suit their surroundings and situation.[57]

Post-1960s expansion of the U.S. welfare state [edit]

The American economists Walter E. Williams and Thomas Sowell argue that the pregnant expansion of federal welfare under the Great Society programs beginning in the 1960s contributed to the destruction of African American families.[58] [59] Sowell has argued: "The blackness family, which had survived centuries of slavery and discrimination, began rapidly disintegrating in the liberal welfare land that subsidized unwed pregnancy and changed welfare from an emergency rescue to a way of life."[59]

There are several other factors which may have accelerated pass up of the black family structure such as ane) The advancement of applied science lessening the need for transmission labor to more technical know-how labor; and 2) The women'southward rights movement in general opened up employment positions increasing competition, especially from white women, in many non-traditional areas which skilled blacks may have contributed to maintain their family structure in the midst of the rise of the cost of living.[60]

Reject of black marriages [edit]

The rate of African American wedlock is consistently lower than White Americans, and is declining.[61] These trends are then pervasive that families who are married are considered a minority family structure for blacks.[61] In 1970, 64% of adult African Americans were married. This rate was cut in half past 2004, when it was 32%.[61] In 2004, 45% of African Americans had never been married compared to merely 25% of White Americans.[61]

While enquiry has shown that spousal relationship rates accept dropped for African Americans, the nascency rate has not. Thus, the number of single-parent homes has risen dramatically for black women. One reason for the low rates of African American marriages is high historic period of kickoff marriage for many African Americans. For African American women, the spousal relationship rate increases with age compared to White Americans who follow the same trends only marry at younger ages than African Americans.[61]

One study institute that the boilerplate age of matrimony for black women with a high school degree was 21.eight years compared to 20.8 years for white women.[61] Fewer labor force opportunities and a turn down in existent earnings for blackness males since 1960 are also recognized every bit sources of increasing marital instability.[63] Equally some researchers debate, these ii trends take led to a pool of fewer desirable male partners and thus resulted in more divorces.

One blazon of matrimony that has declined is the shotgun marriage.[64] This drop in charge per unit is documented by the number of out-of-wedlock births that now normally occur.[64] Betwixt 1965 and 1989, iii-quarters of white out-of-marriage births and iii-fifths of black out-of-wedlock births could be explained past situations where the parents would take married in the past.[64] This is because, prior to the 1970s, the norm was such that, should a couple have a pregnancy out of union, union was inevitable.[64] Cultural norms have since changed, giving women and men more than bureau to make up one's mind whether or when they should get married.[64]

Rise in divorce rates [edit]

For African Americans who practice marry, the charge per unit of divorce is higher than White Americans. While the trend is the same for both African Americans and White Americans, with at least half of marriages for the two groups catastrophe in divorce, the rate of divorce tends to exist consistently higher for African Americans.[61] African Americans besides tend to spend less fourth dimension married than White Americans. Overall, African Americans are married at a afterwards age, spend less time married and are more likely to exist divorced than White Americans.[61]

The refuse and low success rate of black marriages is crucial for report considering many African Americans achieve a heart-class status through wedlock and the likelihood of children growing upwards in poverty is tripled for those in single-parent rather than two-parent homes.[61] Some researchers suggest that the reason for the rise in divorce rates is the increasing acceptability of divorces. The turn down in social stigma of divorce has led to a decrease in the number of legal barriers of getting a divorce, thus making it easier for couples to divorce.[63]

Black male incarceration and bloodshed [edit]

In 2006 an estimated four.eight% of blackness non-Hispanic men were in prison house or jail, compared to 1.nine% of Hispanic men of any race and 0.7% of White not-Hispanic men. U.South. Agency of Justice Statistics.[65]

Structural barriers are ofttimes listed as the reason for the electric current trends in the African American family unit structure, specifically the decline in union rates. Imbalanced sex ratios have been cited every bit 1 of these barriers since the belatedly nineteenth century, where Census data shows that in 1984, there were 99 black males for every 100 black females inside the population.[61] 2003 census data shows in that location are 91 black males for every 100 females.[61]

Black male incarceration and higher mortality rates are often pointed to for these imbalanced sex ratios. Although black males make up 6% of the population, they make upwards 50% of those who are incarcerated.[61] This incarceration rate for black males increased by a rate of more than four between the years of 1980 and 2003. The incarceration rate for African American males is iii,045 out of 100,000 compared to 465 per 100,000 White American males.[61] In many areas around the country, the chance that black males will exist arrested and jailed at least once in their lifetime is extremely loftier. For Washington, D.C., this probability is between 80 and xc%.[61]

Because blackness males are incarcerated at half-dozen times the rate of white males, the skewed incarceration rates harm these black males equally well every bit their families and communities. Incarceration tin affect one-time inmates and their future in society long after they leave prison. Those that take been incarcerated lose masculinity, as incarceration tin affect a man's confirmation of his identity as a father. Later on being released from prison house, efforts to reestablish or sustain connections and be active within the family are frequently unsuccessful.[66]

Incarceration tin be damaging to familial ties and can have a negative consequence on family relations and a homo's sense of masculinity.[66] In 34 states, those who are on parole or probation are not allowed to vote, and in 12 states a felony confidence means never voting again.[67] A criminal tape affects one's power to secure federal benefits or go a job, as one Northwestern University study institute that blacks with a criminal tape were the least likely to be called dorsum for a job interview in a comparison of black and white applicants.[68]

Incarceration has been associated with a college risk of disease, increased likelihood of smoking cigarettes, and premature death, impacting these former inmates and their ability to be normalized in guild.[67] This further impacts social structure, as studies bear witness that paternal incarceration may contribute to children'south behavioral problems and lower performance in schoolhouse.[69] Also, the female partners of male inmates are more than probable to suffer from depression and struggle economically.[67] These furnishings contribute to the barriers impacting the African American family structure.

The mortality rates for African American males are also typically higher than they are for African American females. Between 1980 and 2003, 4,744 to 27,141 more African American males died annually than African American females.[61] This higher incarceration charge per unit and mortality rate helps to explain[ original research? ] the low marriage rates for many African American females who cannot observe blackness partners.

Implications [edit]

New York's belatedly Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, photographed in 1998.

The Moynihan Written report, written past Assistant Secretary of Labor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, initiated the argue on whether the African-American family construction leads to negative outcomes, such as poverty, teenage pregnancy and gaps in teaching or whether the reverse is true and the African American family structure is a effect of institutional discrimination, poverty and other segregation.[70] Regardless of the causality, researchers have found a consistent human relationship between the electric current African American family structure and poverty, education, and pregnancy.[71] According to C. Eric Lincoln, the Negro family's "indelible sickness" is the absent father from the African-American family construction.[72]

C. Eric Lincoln also suggests that the implied American idea that poverty, teen pregnancy, and poor education performance has been the struggle for the African-American community is due to the absent African-American father. According to the Moynihan Written report, the failure of a male dominated subculture, which only exist in the African-American culture, and reliance on the matriarchal control has been profoundly present in the African-American family unit structure for the past three centuries.[73] This absenteeism of the begetter, or "mistreatment", has resulted in the African-American crime charge per unit being higher than the National boilerplate, African-American drug addiction beingness higher than whites, and rates of illegitimacy being at to the lowest degree 25% or college than whites.[73] A family needs the presence of both parents for the youth to "learn the values and expectations of society."[72]

Poverty [edit]

Black single-parent homes headed by women withal demonstrate how relevant the feminization of poverty is. Black women frequently work in depression-paying and female-dominated occupations.[74] [ needs update ] Blackness women also make up a large percentage of poverty-affected people.[74] Additionally, the racialization of poverty in combination with its feminization creates further hindrances for youth growing up black, in single-parent homes, and in poverty.[74] For married couple families in 2007, at that place was a 5.8% poverty charge per unit.[75]

This number, however, varied when considering race so that v.four% of all white people,[76] 9.7% of black people,[77] and xiv.nine% of all Hispanic people lived in poverty.[78] These numbers increased for single-parent homes, with 26.6% of all single-parent families living in poverty,[75] 22.five% of all white single-parent people,[76] 44.0% of all single-parent black people,[77] and 33.4% of all single-parent Hispanic people[78] living in poverty.

While majority stance tends to eye on the increase in poverty as a result of single-parent homes, inquiry has shown that this is not ever the case. In one report examining the effects of single-parent homes on parental stress and practices, the researchers found that family construction and marital status were not equally large a gene as poverty and the experiences the mothers had while growing upward.[79] Furthermore, the authors establish little parental dysfunction in parenting styles and efficacy for single-mothers, suggesting that ii-parent homes are non always the only blazon of successful family unit structures.[79] The authors propose that focus should also exist placed on the poverty that African Americans face as a whole, rather than just those who live in unmarried-parent homes and those who are of the typical African American family structure.[79]

Educational operation [edit]

At that place is consensus in the literature near the negative consequences of growing up in single-parent homes on educational attainment and success.[71] Children growing up in single-parent homes are more likely to not finish school and generally obtain fewer years of schooling than those in two-parent homes.[71] Specifically, boys growing up in homes with just their mothers are more probable to receive poorer grades and brandish behavioral problems.[71]

For black high schoolhouse students, the African American family structure besides affects their educational goals and expectations.[71] Studies on the topic have indicated that children growing up in single-parent homes confront disturbances in young childhood, adolescence and immature adulthood as well.[71] Although these effects are sometimes minimal and contradictory, information technology is mostly agreed that the family structure a kid grows up in is of import for their success in the educational sphere.[71] This is particularly important for African American children who have a fifty% chance of being born outside of marriages and growing up in a dwelling with a unmarried-parent.[79]

Some arguments for the reasoning behind this driblet in attainment for single-parent homes signal to the socioeconomic bug that ascend from mother-headed homes. Particularly relevant for families centered on black matriarchy, one theory posits that the reason children of female-headed households practise worse in education is considering of the economic insecurity that results because of unmarried motherhood.[71] Unmarried parent mothers oftentimes have lower incomes and thus may be removed from the dwelling and forced to work more hours, and are sometimes forced to movement into poorer neighborhoods with fewer educational resources.[71]

Other theories point to the importance of male function models and fathers in particular, for the development of children emotionally and cognitively, especially boys.[71] Fifty-fifty for fathers who may not exist in the dwelling, studies have shown that time spent with fathers has a positive relationship with psychological well-being including less low and anxiety. Additionally, emotional support from fathers is related to fewer delinquency problems and lower drug and marijuana utilize.[80]

Teen pregnancy [edit]

Teenage and unplanned pregnancies pose threats for those who are afflicted by them with these unplanned pregnancies leading to greater divorce rates for young individuals who marry after having a child. In i study, 60% of the young married parents had separated within the first five years of matrimony.[81] Additionally, every bit reported in one article, unplanned pregnancies are oft cited equally a reason for immature parents dropping out, resulting in greater economic burdens and instabilities for these teenage parents afterward.[81]

Another study found that paternal attitudes towards sexuality and sexual expression at a young historic period were more likely to determine sexual behaviors by teens regardless of maternal opinions on the matter.[81] For these youths, the opinions of the father affected their behaviors in positive ways, regardless of whether the parent lived in or out of the home and the age of the student.[81] Some other study looking at how mother–daughter relationships impact teenage pregnancy institute that negative parental relationships led to teenage daughters dating later, getting pregnant earlier, and having more sex partners.[82]

Teens who lived in a married family have been shown to take a lower gamble for teenage pregnancy.[83] Teenage girls in single-parent families were six times more probable to get significant and 2.8 times more probable to engage in sex at an earlier age than girls in married family homes.[84]

Criticism and support [edit]

Cosby and Poussaint's criticism of the unmarried-parent family [edit]

Bill Cosby has criticized the current land of single-parenting dominating black family structure. In a spoken communication to the NAACP in 2004, Cosby said, "In the neighborhood that most of us grew upwardly in, parenting is not going on. You have the pile-up of these sweet beautiful things born by nature—raised past no one."[85]

In Cosby'south 2007 volume Come On People: On the Path from Victims to Victors, co-authored with psychiatrist Alvin Poussaint, Cosby and Poussaint write that "A firm without a father is a claiming," and that "A neighborhood without fathers is a ending."[85] Cosby and Poussaint write that mothers "have difficulty showing a son how to be a man," and that this presents a problem when there are no father figures effectually to show boys how to channel their natural aggressiveness in constructive ways.[85] Cosby and Poussaint likewise write, "We wonder if much of these kids' rage was born when their fathers abandoned them."[85]

Cosby and Poussaint state that verbal and emotional abuse of the children is prominent in the parenting style of some black single mothers, with serious developmental consequences for the children.[85] "Words like 'You're stupid,' 'You're an idiot,' 'I'g sorry you were born,' or 'You'll never amount to anything' tin stick a dagger in a child's heart."[85] "Single mothers angry with men, whether their current boyfriends or their children's fathers, regularly transfer their rage to their sons, since they're agape to take information technology out on the developed males"[85] Cosby and Poussaint write that this formative parenting environment in the black unmarried parent family unit leads to a "wounded anger—of children toward parents, women toward men, men toward their mothers and women in general".[85]

Policy proposals [edit]

Authors Angela Hattery and Earl Smith have proffered solutions to addressing the high rate of black children being born out of marriage.[86] : 285–315 Iii of Hattery and Smith'southward solutions focus on parental support for children, equal admission to educational activity, and alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent offenders. According to Hattery and Smith, African-American families are within a system that is "pitted" confronting them and there are some institutional solutions and private solutions that America and its citizens tin do to reduce implications associated with the African-American family structure.[86] : 315

Parental support for children [edit]

According to Hattery and Smith, around fifty% of African-American children are poor because they are dependent on a single mother.[86] : 305 In states similar Wisconsin, for a child to be the recipient of welfare or receive the "bride fare", their parents must exist married.[86] : 306 Hattery acknowledges ane truth about this law, which is that information technology recognizes that a child is "entitled" to the financial and emotional support of both parents. One of Hattery and Smith'due south solutions is found effectually the idea that an African-American child is entitled to the financial and emotional support of both parents. The government does require the noncustodial parents to pay a pct to their child every calendar month, merely co-ordinate to Hattery the only way this will help eliminate child poverty is if these policies are actively enforced.[86] : 306

Education equality [edit]

For the past 400 years of America's life many African-Americans have been denied the proper education needed to provide for the traditional American family structure.[86] : 308 Hattery suggests that the schools and education resources available to most African-Americans are under-equipped and unable provide their students with the knowledge needed to be college ready.[86] : 174 In 2005 The Manhattan Institute for Policy Research written report showed that even though integration has been a push more recently, over the past 15 years there has been a 13% turn down in integration in public schools.[86] : 174

These same reports likewise show that in 2002, 56% of African-American students graduated from loftier school with a diploma, while 78% of whites students graduated. If students practise non feel they are learning, they volition not continue to go to school. This decision is fabricated from the Manhattan Found for Policy Research report that stated merely 23% of African-American students who graduated from public loftier schoolhouse felt higher-ready.[86] : 174 Hatterly suggests that the government invest into the African-American family unit past investing in the African-American children'due south education.[86] : 308 A solution is found in providing the same resources provided to schools that are predominantly white. Co-ordinate to Hatterly, through education equality the African-American family unit structure tin increase opportunities to prosper with equality in employment, wages, and health insurance.[86] : 308

Alternatives to incarceration [edit]

According to Hattery and Smith 25–33% of African-American men are spending time in jail or prison and according to Thomas, Krampe, and Newton 28% of African-American children practice not live with whatsoever begetter representative.[36] [86] : 310 According to Hatterly, the government tin can stop this state of affairs that many African-American children experience due to the absence of their father.[86] : 285–315 Hatterly suggests probation or treatment (for alcohol or drugs) as alternatives to incarceration. Incarceration non just continues the negative assumption of the African-American family structure, merely perpetuates poverty, single parenthood, and the separation of family units.[86] : 310

Run into besides [edit]

Publications:

  • Is Matrimony for White People?: How the African American Marriage Decline Affects Anybody

General:

  • African American civilisation
  • Family structure in the United States
  • Feminization of poverty
  • African Americans and nascence control
  • Black genocide

References [edit]

  1. ^ *Grove, Robert D.; Hetzel, Alice M. (1968). Vital Statistics Rates in the United States 1940-1960 (PDF) (Written report). Public Health Service Publication. Vol. 1677. U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, U.S. Public Health Service, National Centre for Wellness Statistics. p. 185.
    • Ventura, Stephanie J.; Bachrach, Christine A. (October eighteen, 2000). Nonmarital Childbearing in the United States, 1940-99 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 48. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. pp. 28–31.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Park, Melissa M. (February 12, 2002). Births: Final Data for 2000 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 50. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Park, Melissa M.; Sutton, Paul D. (December eighteen, 2002). Births: Final Information for 2001 (PDF) (Written report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 51. Centers for Affliction Command and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 47.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Munson, Martha 50. (Dec 17, 2003). Births: Last Data for 2002 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 52. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Eye for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady East.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Munson, Martha 50. (September 8, 2005). Births: Final Data for 2003 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 54. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Eye for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 52.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon (September 29, 2006). Births: Concluding Information for 2004 (PDF) (Written report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 55. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention, National Heart for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Organisation. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady East.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Munson, Martha L. (December 5, 2007). Births: Final Data for 2005 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 56. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Mathews, T.J. (January 7, 2009). Births: Terminal Information for 2006 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 57. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 54.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Mathews, T.J.; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Osterman, Michelle J.Thou. (August ix, 2010). Births: Final Information for 2007 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 58. Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Mathews, T.J.; Osterman, Michelle J.K. (December 8, 2010). Births: Final Information for 2008 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 59. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Middle for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.1000.; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Mathews, T.J.; Wilson, Elizabeth C. (Nov iii, 2011). Births: Final Data for 2009 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. sixty. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Centre for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Eastward.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.G.; Wilson, Elizabeth C.; Mathews, T.J. (August 28, 2012). Births: Final Data for 2010 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 61. Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 45.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.Grand.; Mathews, T.J. (June 28, 2013). Births: Terminal Data for 2011 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 62. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention, National Center for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 43.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Osterman, Michelle J.K.; Curtin, Sally C. (Dec xxx, 2013). Births: Terminal Information for 2012 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 62. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 41.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Osterman, Michelle J.K.; Curtin, Sally C.; Mathews, T.J. (January 15, 2015). Births: Final Data for 2013 (PDF) (Written report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 64. Centers for Disease Command and Prevention, National Eye for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 40.
    • Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Martin, Joyce A.; Osterman, Michelle J.M.; Curtin, Emerge C.; Mathews, T.J. (December 23, 2015). Births: Final Information for 2014 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 64. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. pp. 7 & 41.
  2. ^ a b c "Moynihan's War on Poverty study". Archived from the original on 2017-01-twenty. Retrieved 2015-07-31 .
  3. ^ Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Instance for National Activeness, Washington, D.C., Role of Policy Planning and Inquiry, U.Southward. Department of Labor, 1965.
  4. ^ National Review, April 4, 1994, p. 24.
  5. ^ "Blacks struggle with 72 percent unwed mothers rate", Jesse Washington, NBC News, July 11, 2010
  6. ^ "For blacks, the Pyrrhic Victory of the Obama Era, Jason 50. Riley, The Wall Street Journal, Nov 4, 2012
  7. ^ "National Vital Statistics Reports" (PDF). 68 (13). Nov 27, 2019: nine. Retrieved 1 January 2021.
  8. ^ a b c d due east Pew Inquiry Intermarriage in the U.S. 50 Years Later Loving v. Virginia May 18, 2017
  9. ^ Wong, Linda Y. (2003). "Why then only 5.5% of Black Men Marry White Women?". International Economical Review. 44 (three): 803–826. doi:10.1111/1468-2354.T01-1-00090. S2CID 45703289.
  10. ^ Morgan, S.; Antonio McDaniel; Andrew T. Miller; Samuel H. Preston. (1993). "Racial differences in household and family structure at the plough of the century". American Journal of Sociology. 98 (4): 799–828. doi:ten.1086/230090. S2CID 145358763.
  11. ^ a b c Washington, Jesse (2010-11-06). "Blacks struggle with 72 pct unwed mothers rate - Boston.com". AP . Retrieved 31 July 2014.
  12. ^ a b c Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Example for National Activeness, Washington, D.C., Office of Policy Planning and Research, U.S. Department of Labor, 1965.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g Ruggles, S. (1994). The origins of African-American family structure. American Sociological Review, 136–151.
  14. ^ Hershberg, Theodore (Winter 1971–1972). "Free Blacks in Antebellum Philadelphia: A Study of Ex-Slaves, Freeborn, and Socioeconomic Decline". Periodical of Social History. five (ii): 190. doi:10.1353/jsh/5.ii.183. JSTOR 3786411. Data from the Abolitionist and Quaker censuses, the U. S. Census of 1880 and Westward. Due east. B. Du Bois' study of the seventh ward in 1896–97 point, in each example, that ii-parent households were feature of 78 percent of black families.
  15. ^ Giordano, Joseph; Levine, Irving M. (Wintertime 1977). "Carter's Family Policy: The Pluralist'southward Challenge". Journal of Current Social Issues. xiv (1): fifty. ISSN 0041-7211. Reproduced in White Firm Briefing on Families, 1978: Joint Hearings Earlier the Subcommittee on Child and Human Development of the Commission on Human Resources, United States Senate... Washington: U.S. Government Printing Part. 1978. p. 490.
  16. ^ National Review, Apr 4, 1994, p. 24.
  17. ^ Lofquist, Daphne; Terry Lugaila; Martin O'Connell; Sarah Feliz. "Households and Families: 2010" (PDF). U.s.a. Census Agency, American Community Survey Briefs. Retrieved 15 April 2013.
  18. ^ Camarota, y Steven A. "Births to Single Mothers by Nativity and Education". Centre for Immigration Studies . Retrieved 8 July 2020.
  19. ^ "Black Marriage in America". Blackdemographics.com/. Akiim DeShay. Retrieved 8 July 2020.
  20. ^ a b c d eastward f g h i Billingsley, Andrew (1992). Climbing Jacob's Ladder . New York, New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 32. ISBN9780671677084.
  21. ^ a b Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 119. ISBN0803955723.
  22. ^ a b c Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 120. ISBN0803955723.
  23. ^ a b Stewart, James (1990). "Back to Nuts: The Significance of Du Bois'south and Frazier'southward Contributions for Contemporary Research on Blackness Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Black Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. ten.
  24. ^ Louis, Jacobson. "CNN's Don Lemon says more than 72 percent of African-American births are out of wedlock". Politifact . Retrieved February three, 2021.
  25. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (3rd ed.). G Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. pp. 119–120. ISBN0803955723.
  26. ^ Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob's ladder : the indelible legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 42. ISBN067167708X.
  27. ^ a b Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob's ladder : the enduring legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 44. ISBN067167708X.
  28. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. past Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (3rd ed.). Thou Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 124. ISBN0803955723.
  29. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. past Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Blackness families (3rd ed.). K Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 121. ISBN0803955723.
  30. ^ U.S. Agency of the Census "Table 60. Married Couples by Race and Hispanic Origin of Spouses" Archived 2015-01-01 at the Wayback Machine, Dec 15, 2010 (Excel tabular array Archived 2012-10-xiii at the Wayback Machine)
  31. ^ U.S. Bureau of the Census "Statistical Abstruse of the United States, 1982-83" [ permanent expressionless link ] , 1983. Section i: Population, file 1982-02.pdf, 170 pp.
  32. ^ Fryer, Jr., Roland Yard. (Bound 2007). "Approximate Who's Been Coming to Dinner? Trends in Interracial Wedlock over the 20th Century". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 21 (2): 71–90. doi:10.1257/jep.21.two.71. S2CID 12895779.
  33. ^ Stewart, James (1990). "Dorsum to Basics: The Significance of Du Bois's and Frazier's Contributions for Gimmicky Research on Blackness Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Black Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. 12.
  34. ^ Stewart, James (1990). "Back to Nuts: The Significance of Du Bois's and Frazier's Contributions for Contemporary Research on Blackness Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Blackness Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. 20.
  35. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, East. M.; Newton, R. R. (xix March 2007). "Father Presence, Family unit Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Developed African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (iv): 529–546. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  36. ^ a b c Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, E. M.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father Presence, Family unit Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Developed African American Children". Journal of Blackness Studies. 38 (4): 536. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  37. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, Eastward. M.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father Presence, Family unit Construction, and Feelings of Closeness to the Begetter Amongst Adult African American Children". Journal of Blackness Studies. 38 (4): 531. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  38. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, E. Thou.; Newton, R. R. (xix March 2007). "Begetter's Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Adult African American Children". Periodical of Black Studies. 38 (four): 541. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  39. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, Due east. M.; Newton, R. R. (nineteen March 2007). "Father Presence, Family unit Construction, and Feelings of Closeness to the Begetter Among Developed African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (4): 542. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  40. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, E. Yard.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Male parent Presence, Family unit Construction, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Developed African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (4): 544. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  41. ^ John McAdoo, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Blackness families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. pp. 184–186. ISBN0803955723.
  42. ^ Allen, Quaylan (2016-08-08). "'Tell your own story': manhood, masculinity and racial socialization among blackness fathers and their sons". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 39 (10): 1831–1848. doi:10.1080/01419870.2015.1110608. ISSN 0141-9870. S2CID 147515010.
  43. ^ Wilson, Melvin (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. pp. 5–22. ISBN0787999164.
  44. ^ a b editor, Melvin Due north. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 9. ISBN0787999164.
  45. ^ a b c editor, Melvin North. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 10. ISBN0787999164.
  46. ^ editor, Melvin N. Wilson (1995). African American family unit life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 7. ISBN0787999164.
  47. ^ a b edited by Norma J. Burgess; Eurnestine Brown (2000). African American women : an ecological perspective. New York [u.a.]: Falmer Printing. p. 59. ISBN0815315910.
  48. ^ editor, Melvin Northward. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. pp. 6–7. ISBN0787999164.
  49. ^ edited by Norma J. Burgess; Eurnestine Brown (2000). African American women : an ecological perspective. New York [u.a.]: Falmer Printing. pp. 58–59. ISBN0815315910.
  50. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited by Harold Due east. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Black families : interdisciplinary perspectives (2nd ed.). New Brunswick, North.J.: Transaction Publishers. pp. 111–112. ISBN0887388124.
  51. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited by Harold Eastward. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Blackness families : interdisciplinary perspectives (2nd ed.). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. p. 112. ISBN0887388124.
  52. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited by Harold E. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Blackness families : interdisciplinary perspectives (2nd ed.). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. pp. 124–125. ISBN0887388124.
  53. ^ a b Billingsley, Andrew (1992). Climbing Jacob'south Ladder . New York, New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 58. ISBN9780671677084.
  54. ^ a b Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob's ladder : the enduring legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. threescore–61. ISBN067167708X.
  55. ^ a b c d e Jones, Deborah J.; Zalot, Alecia A.; Foster, Sarah E.; Sterrett, Emma; Chester, Charlene (22 December 2006). "A Review of Childrearing in African American Single Mother Families: The Relevance of a Coparenting Framework". Journal of Child and Family unit Studies. sixteen (five): 671–683. doi:10.1007/s10826-006-9115-0. S2CID 12970902.
  56. ^ Gordy, Cynthia. "Welfare, Fathers and Those Persistent Myths". The Root . Retrieved 2019-04-29 .
  57. ^ a b c McDaniel, Antonio (1990). "The Power of Culture: A Review of the Idea of Africa'south Influence on Family Structure in Antebellum America". Journal of Family History. xv (2): 225–238. doi:ten.1177/036319909001500113. S2CID 143705470.
  58. ^ Williams, Walter E. (June 8, 2005). "Victimhood: Rhetoric or reality?". Jewish World Review. Creators Syndicate. Archived from the original on November 11, 2005. Retrieved June 1, 2020.
  59. ^ a b Sowell, Thomas (Baronial 16, 2004). "A painful ceremony". Creators Syndicate. Archived from the original on Baronial 18, 2004. Retrieved June 1, 2020.
  60. ^ MacLean, Nancy. The American Women'due south Movement, 1945–2000: A Brief History with Documents (2008)
  61. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m due north o Dixon, P (2009). "Marriage among African Americans: What does the research reveal?". Journal of African American Studies. xiii (1): 29–46. doi:ten.1007/s12111-008-9062-5. S2CID 143539013.
  62. ^ a b Ruggles, Steven (1997). "The rise of divorce and separation in the United States, 1880–1990". Demography. 34 (4): 455–466. doi:ten.2307/3038300. JSTOR 3038300. PMC3065932. PMID 9545625.
  63. ^ a b c d e Akerlof, G. A.; Yellen, J. 50.; Katz, Thousand. L. (1996). "An analysis of out-of-matrimony childbearing in the U.s.a.". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 111 (2): 277–317. doi:10.2307/2946680. JSTOR 2946680.
  64. ^ Prison house and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2006 Archived 2013-03-03 at the Wayback Machine (NCJ 217675). U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Male person incarceration by race. The percentages are for adult males, and are from folio i of the PDF file Archived 2011-10-27 at the Wayback Machine.
  65. ^ a b Dyer, W.M (2005). "Prison house Fathers, and Identity: A Theory of How Incarceration Affects Men's Paternal Identity". Fathering: A Journal of Theory, Research, and Practice Near Men every bit Fathers. iii (iii): 201–219. doi:10.3149/fth.0303.201. S2CID 12297600.
  66. ^ a b c Dark-brown, Tony; Patterson, Evelyn (28 June 2016). "Wounds From Incarceration that Never Heal". The New Democracy. The New Democracy. Retrieved 25 April 2019.
  67. ^ Cost, Lee. "Racial bigotry continues to play a part in hiring decisions". Economic Policy Found. EPI. Retrieved 25 Apr 2019.
  68. ^ Wildeman, Christopher (September 2010). "Paternal Incarceration and Children's Physically Ambitious Behaviors: Evidence from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study". Social Forces. 89 (i): 285–309. doi:10.1353/sof.2010.0055. S2CID 45247503.
  69. ^ Rose M. Rivers, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo; John Scanzoni (1997). Blackness families (tertiary ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 334. ISBN0803955723.
  70. ^ a b c d e f grand h i j Heiss, Jerold (August 1996). "Effects of African American Family Structure on Schoolhouse Attitudes and Performance". Social Issues. 43 (3): 246–267. doi:10.2307/3096977. JSTOR 3096977.
  71. ^ a b Staples, [compiled past] Robert (1998). The black Family : essays and studies (6th ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 343–349. ISBN9780534552961.
  72. ^ a b Staples, [compiled past] Robert (1998). The blackness family : essays and studies (6th ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 37–58. ISBN9780534552961.
  73. ^ a b c Claude, J. (1986). Poverty patterns for black men and women. The Black Scholar, 17(five), xx–23.
  74. ^ a b U.S. Census Agency. Electric current Population Survey. People in Families by Family unit Structure, Age, and Sex, Iterated by Income-to-Poverty Ratio and Race: 2007: Below 100% of Poverty – All Races Archived 2008-09-30 at the Wayback Motorcar.
  75. ^ a b U.Southward. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey. People in Families by Family Structure, Historic period, and Sex, Iterated by Income-to-Poverty Ratio and Race: 2007: Below 100% of Poverty – White Alone Archived 2009-04-13 at the Wayback Machine.
  76. ^ a b "Poverty 3-Part 100_06". Pubdb3.census.gov. 2008-08-26. Archived from the original on 2011-06-12. Retrieved 2010-09-16 .
  77. ^ a b "Poverty 2-Part 100_09". Pubdb3.demography.gov. 2008-08-26. Archived from the original on 2010-01-08. Retrieved 2010-09-16 .
  78. ^ a b c d Cain, D. S., & Combs-Orme, T. (2005). Family unit structure furnishings on parenting stress and practices in the African American family. J. Soc. & Soc. Welfare, 32, 19.
  79. ^ Zimmerman, M. A.; Salem, D. A.; Maton, K. I. (1995). "Family Construction and Psychosocial Correlates among Urban African‐American Adolescent Males". Child Evolution. 66 (6): 1598–1613. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1995.tb00954.10. PMID 8556888. Regardless of the causality, researchers take found a consistent relationship between the electric current African American family structure and poverty, education, and pregnancy.
  80. ^ a b c d Dittus, P. J.; Jaccard, J.; Gordon, V. V. (1997). "The impact of African American fathers on adolescent sexual behavior". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 26 (4): 445–465. doi:10.1023/a:1024533422103. S2CID 142626784.
  81. ^ Scott, Joseph (1993). "African American Daughter-Mother Relations and Teenage Pregnancy: Two Faces of Premarital Teenage Pregnancy". Western Journal of Black Studies. 17 (ii): 73–81. PMID 12346138.
  82. ^ Yacob, Anaiah (2015-02-06). "The State of Blackness Family unit Structure 2015: A Curse of Dysfunctional Family". WhoAreIsraelites.Org . Retrieved 2016-xi-06 .
  83. ^ Moore, Mignon; P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale (2001). "Sexual Intercourse and Pregnancy amid African American Girls in Loftier-Poverty Neighborhoods: The Office of Family unit and Perceived Community Environment". Periodical of Union and Family unit. 63 (4): 1146–1157. doi:ten.1111/j.1741-3737.2001.01146.10.
  84. ^ a b c d e f g h Magnet, Myron (2008). "The Great African-American Awakening". City Journal. xviii (3).
  85. ^ a b c d due east f g h i j g fifty m n Hattery, Angela J.; Smith, Earl (2007). African American families. Thou Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications. ISBN9781412924665.

stewartdeersomided.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African-American_family_structure

0 Response to "Itinerary for African American Families Attending Washington Dc"

Post a Comment

Iklan Atas Artikel

Iklan Tengah Artikel 1

Iklan Tengah Artikel 2

Iklan Bawah Artikel